Despite the widespread civilian violence and deeply divided society, there remains hope that the country can fulfill the promise of democracy it reached for in early 2011. Hope comes from the continued activism of the Egyptian people, exemplified by the student movements. Paying serious attention to their goals and organization offers a telling glimpse into the future of Egyptian mass politics. The key indicators of Egypt’s future lie in its economic development, which must be focused on job creation and financial sovereignty, and the role of the ‘deep state’, which must be challenged to make way for genuine democracy.
Students have been the catalysts for all of the revolutionary movements, either united around the fall of Mubarak during the January 25th revolution, or divided between leftists and Islamists following June 30th. In the wake of the recent laws forbidding mass protest, Egyptian students united once again. Following the raids of universities the death of a medical student at Al-Azhar University, students have begun to band together to protest a law that seeks to criminalize even peaceful protest. They retook Tahrir square, protesting what those they say have betrayed the Egyptian people, Mubarak, Morsi, and the Military. Their commitment of the political participation and justice show offer encouragement that Egypt’s future leaders have taken these values to heart and will continue to mobilize Egypt towards a more inclusive future. No doubt, more organization, and agreement among the divergent groups is needed before real progress can be achieved. Yet, as long as students refuse to settle for autocratic rule, Egypt will continue to move forward. Those hoping to shape the future of Egypt should take these groups seriously, and consider working with them rather than traditional political elites.
Egypt’s poor economic performance led many to the streets on January 25. Egypt suffers from a trade deficit problem, meaning that its exports cannot earn enough to cover its imports and its foreign debt commitments. This external debt stems largely from by Egypt’s dependence of foreign grain and fuel, as well foreign aide. The IMF, World Bank, and other Western, neoliberal economic institutions have taken this as an opportunity to push through neoliberal reforms in the form of an austerity program of cutting back subsidies, privatizing government owned companies, and promoting foreign direct invest and tourism. However, contrary to the orthodox economic policies of these institutions, these reforms have worsened economic development by increasing unemployment and economic stratification. If these plans continue, Egypt will likely see increased external debt, dependence of foreign aide, and poverty. In turn increaseing social and political turmoil. If Egypt is able to focus on job creation, lessen its foreign debt and thereby gain financial sovereignty, as well as seriously reform its food and fuel sectors, the positive economic effects will no doubt transfer over to political stability as well. The Egyptian government has recently met with delegations from both Saudi Arabia and the World Bank in order to secure more loans. Both Saudi and World Bank officials recognize the need for job creation and an active government present in the economy at this time, which is a positive sign for Egyptian development as it marks a turn from the usual dogma of austerity. However, a continued dependence on foreign aide limits Egyptian financial sovereignty, which effectively determines its ability to conduct monetary and fiscal policy, and limits is capacity to run a budget deficit. Unless Egypt is able to focus on internal economic solutions and find a way to cancel its foreign debt, there is little chance for substantial economic growth.
The role of Egypt’s deep state will also be a telling signal in its movement forward. There is no doubt that the military, who largely controls the police, intelligence services, judiciary, and state media, has played a significant role in Egypt’s trajectory after January 25th by actively working to discredit President Morsi and the Muslim Brotherhood, and then supporting the June 30th protests. Despite earlier promises to handover the country to civilian government, General Sisi’s recent comments on a potential presidential bid have made it clear that the military has no plans to relinquish control. Backed by the over billion dollars the Egyptian military receives annually from the US, and his close relationships with Washington, Moscow, and Riyadh, the military is daunting to challenge. Egypt needs serious structural change. However, as many in Egypt begin to reject the pervasive military power in all aspects of Egyptian life, their days of unchallenged hegemony may be numbered. The role of military in government offices and key institutions offers a clue as to whether Egypt will form its own path or continue to be led by this shadow government.
The path of revolutions is never quick or easy, so despite recent set backs, it is too early to discount Egypt’s transition yet. Egypt’s trajectory depends on the organization of its student groups, a new economic path, and the decreased power of the military in political institutions. It is a challenging course, but not an impossible one.